Distinctness effects: on clitic and DP combinations

Abstract

The goal of this dissertation is to analyze two phenomena under the called distinctness effects. With this label I refer to scenarios where two too similar syntactic objects are found in the same domain (see Chomsky 2013, 2015, Moro 2000, Kayne 1994, Richards 2010, Hiraiwa 2010, Rizzi 1990). To this end, clitic combinations and VSO order are studied in Romance languages considering the hypothesis that restrictions observed in both phenomena are due to the appearance of two identical objects. Chapter I introduces the general guideline of the framework that will be assumed in the dissertation (the so-called Minimalist Program 1992). Also, this chapter discusses the different proposals that point out the existence of a distinctness necessity in the system, that is, discusses the point where this necessity emerges and what exactly means 'to be identical in X domain'. Finally, I introduce the Revisited Distinctness Condition (RDC henceforth). Chapter II focuses on the combinatorial restrictions that operate in clitic clusters in certain Eastern Iberian varieties (Aragonese, Spanish, and Catalan). In particular, this chapter analyzes the restriction that arises in the combination of two third person clitics. Following authors such as Kayne (1975, 1989, 1999), Rizzi (1986) and Uriagereka (1995) I argue that clitics are determiners that move and incorporate into the verb. Specifically, this chapter assumes Gallego's proposal (2016), which combines aspects of Chomsky (2000, 2001), Torrego (1998, 2002), and Uriagereka (1995). The main idea of this proposal is that clitics constitute a case of XP movement at the edge of the phase. Also, evidence in favor of the non-primitive character of the dative in Romance languages is provided (Boeckx & Martin 2013). This chapter defends that the incompatibility of a third person accusative clitic and a third person dative clitic emerges due to the co-occurrence of two identical case features in the same domain, which violates the RCD. Specifically, the incompatibility is produced in the combination of two KPs inside the same phasal domain: the specifier of the vP. Varieties resort to different strategies to avoid the restriction. Through the chapter I argue that the cross-linguistic variation regarding the structure of the dative determines the way in which the RCD is avoided. Chapter III studies VSO order in Romance, focusing on contrasts observed in Spanish and Catalan. The analysis presented in this chapter bears on the idea that the possibility to display VSO order is related to the complexity of the Direct Object (DO henceforth). Building on López (2012), Ormazabal & Romero (2013), Roca & Ordóñez (2013), I develop an analysis suggested by Ángel J. Gallego (p. c. ), and first outlined in Castillo-Ros, Colomina & Gallego (2018), where I assume that Spanish displays a more complex structure of the DO. Also, this chapter discusses contexts where VSO appears focusing on the interaction with this context and the EPP (see Ortega-Santos 2005, Sheehan 2006). Specifically, this chapter proposes that VSO order implies the violation of the RDC since two identical objects are found in the same domain: VSDPODP. Languages such as Spanish that allow this order show extra mechanisms to distinguish one of the two objects. The battery of phenomena introduced throughout the chapter has offered evidence to support the idea that DO displays a different structure in Spanish. I argue that this structure enables the appearance of the VSO order: VSDP OKP/PP. Languages such as Catalan that do not display the same DO structure only permit VSO in contexts where one of the two objects are situated in another domain or introduced by a preposition. Chapter IV offers a summary of the dissertation and the conclusions.

Date of Award	11 Feb 2022
Original language	English
Supervisor	Josep Maria Brucart Marraco (Director) & Ángel Jesús Gallego Bartolomé (Director)