Neither, (n)or nothing and hardly in negative concord constructions in traditional dialects of British English

In this paper, I investigate, within a minimalist framework, how negative concord is composed in non-standard British English constructions containing the negative adverb neither, the general extender (n)or nothing, and the scalar adverb hardly using data from the Freiburg English Dialect corpus. I argue that neither, (n)or nothing and hardly establish a relation of syntactic agreement with another negative element in the clause which results in a single-negation interpretation of the chain formed by several instances of negation.