TY - JOUR
T1 - Interplay between Position and Interpretation: An Experimental Study of Russian Bare Plurals
AU - Seres Guillen, Daria
AU - Borras Comes, Joan Manel
AU - Borik , Olga
PY - 2019
Y1 - 2019
N2 - This article presents an experimental study of the correlation
between the linear syntactic position and the interpretation of plural bare nominal
external arguments of intransitive verbs in Russian. We present two experiments
(pilot and main), where participants gave their acceptability judgements regarding
sentences with pre- and postverbal subjects in contexts that suggest definiteness
or indefiniteness of the bare nominal in question. The obtained results confirm that
the preverbal position correlates with a definite interpretation, whereas the postverbal
position with an indefinite interpretation. However, we found that the acceptability rate
of preverbal indefinites is also reasonably high. We propose an explanation for the
appearance of indefinites in preverbal subject position in terms of lexical accessibility,
construed more generally as D-linking. The experiments also showed that indefinite
subjects have a higher acceptability rate in any position, which may be explained by the
hypothesis that bare nominals in Russian have a default indefinite interpretation, and so
may freely appear in a wider range of contexts.
AB - This article presents an experimental study of the correlation
between the linear syntactic position and the interpretation of plural bare nominal
external arguments of intransitive verbs in Russian. We present two experiments
(pilot and main), where participants gave their acceptability judgements regarding
sentences with pre- and postverbal subjects in contexts that suggest definiteness
or indefiniteness of the bare nominal in question. The obtained results confirm that
the preverbal position correlates with a definite interpretation, whereas the postverbal
position with an indefinite interpretation. However, we found that the acceptability rate
of preverbal indefinites is also reasonably high. We propose an explanation for the
appearance of indefinites in preverbal subject position in terms of lexical accessibility,
construed more generally as D-linking. The experiments also showed that indefinite
subjects have a higher acceptability rate in any position, which may be explained by the
hypothesis that bare nominals in Russian have a default indefinite interpretation, and so
may freely appear in a wider range of contexts.
UR - https://www.lingv.ro/images/RRL%202%202019%20%2005-Seres.pdf
M3 - Article
VL - LXIV
IS - 2
ER -