Ellipsis and Phases: Evidence from Antecedent Contained Sluicing

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Resum

It has long been observed that movement obeys strict cyclicity. To capture the step-wise natureof movement various attempts have been made in the history of generative grammar. Thispaper argues that one of the current theories of cyclicity, Chomsky’s (2000; 2001; 2004; 2007;2008) Phase Theory, captures the properties of ellipsis in so-called Antecedent ContainedSluicing construction (ACS) (Yoshida (2010)) in a straightforward fashion. In so doing, weshow that, similarly to movement, the relation between the ellipsis site and its antecedent isestablished in cyclic nodes, and provide support to a particular theory of cyclicity.
Idioma originalAnglès
Títol de la publicacióLocal Modeling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax
EditorsArtemis Alexiadou, Tibor Kiss, Gereon Müller
Editorde Gruyter
Pàgines353-370
ISBN (electrònic)9783110294774
ISBN (imprès)9783110294712
Estat de la publicacióPublicada - 2013

Sèrie de publicacions

NomLinguistische Arbeiten
Volum547

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